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Obama and Clinton: Hillary's Campaign Had No Plan "B"

BUZZFLASH EDITOR'S BLOG

Mark Karlin,

Editor and Publisher, BuzzFlash.com

February 13, 2008

Which headline to begin with first?

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"Overall, Barack Obama has won 23 of the 35 matchups between him and Clinton."

"NYT: Obama’s triumphs capped a week in which he went undefeated in states across the country, in many cases by big margins, over Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York. And his strength on Tuesday sliced across nearly every major demographic line, with one element standing out: in Virginia and Maryland, according to surveys of voters leaving the polls, he beat Mrs. Clinton among women."

"CNN Projects Obama Now Ahead of Clinton in Total of Pledged and Superdelegates"

The Clinton campaign is still touting a last "Alamo" stand in Texas and Ohio, but as I noted in my blog the other day, there are really two campaigns going on in each state and nationally: one for the perception battle and one for delegates. Obama is leading in both as of today, February 13.

It is far too early to declare a winner in the race for the Democratic Party Presidential Nomination, but it is likely that Obama will win both Hawaii and Wisconsin next Tuesday. (Like Iowa, Wisconsin is contiguous to Illinois and the Obama campaign can send volunteers up from Chicago. It's just a short drive to Milwaukee and Madison.)

At that point, the momentum factor, the large margins that Obama is winning by, his encroachment into Hillary Clinton's base, will all likely snowball. Even if Clinton were to "win" Texas and Ohio, Obama might pick up enough delegates in each state to stay ahead. Furthermore, the superdelegates and Clinton donors are no doubt starting to worry about Clinton's viability.

Whether one supports Clinton or Obama, a few political realities have become clear over the past couple of weeks.

First, the Clinton campaign hierarchy consists of insiders from the '90s who have not adapted to changing campaign tactics. They ran with an "inevitability Rose Garden" strategy and had no plan "B." Since February 5, when Hillary had said it would all be "wrapped up," they have been frantically improvising. Obama risked his campaign on a consistent and unwavering message; the Clinton campaign has tried on several of them, discarding them when they didn't have resonance.

In short, the Obama narrative ended up beating -- as of now -- the Clinton narrative. As more people are exposed to the Obama narrative -- whether you are turned on by it or not -- more people have backed him. The Clinton narrative has been choppy and ad hoc since Super Tuesday, and has paid a price for it.

Secondly, one of the major themes of the Clinton campaign has been that the New York Senator is "battle-tested" and better prepared to take on McCain and the right wing attacks. But that has been turned on its head by the fact that a junior Senator from Illinois has ended up putting the Clinton campaign on the ropes. It's hard to argue that you can demolish John McCain when you can't decisively defeat an opponent who came from nowhere, with no national name recognition, in your own party's primary. That is just common sense.

Modern politics has a lot to do with brand awareness and identity. That is why Nixon was able to come back in 1968 and win the presidency, after losing to JFK in 1960 and losing the governorship of California a couple of years later. Our national political leaders are -- in our over-marketed society -- brands. Brand Clinton has as close to a 100% recognition factor in the United States as a name can get. And most people have decided one way or another about how they feel toward brand Clinton.

Obama, on the other hand, had to launch a whole new brand. He stayed disciplined to his message -- even when in tight spots -- and has run a modern, highly effective national campaign against an opponent who has been campaigning with her husband and on her own for some 30 years. That Obama is sweeping primary after primary and eating into Clinton's fixed base of support makes it extremely difficult for Clinton to claim that she can run a more effective campaign.

Thirdly, the Democrats have for decades been looking to expand their base and break out of the Red State, Blue State gridlock. Obama, whatever one thinks of his narrative, has shown that he can pull in Independent and Republican voters and expand the Democratic voter base, particularly among young people (who are not just supporting him, but showing up at caucuses and to vote.) Clinton has won the delegates that she has based on a fixed voter base of traditional Democratic support. Party leaders and superdelegates want someone who can pull in new voters and expand the party's power through coattails. Obama has shown that he can do that.

Perhaps, Hillary Clinton, who rarely makes a gaffe and is an enthusiastic and well-honed campaigner, finally revealed one of the key reasons that the Clinton campaign is faltering. As we noted in another blog, when asked her reaction to Obama winning so many states over the weekend (including Maine, where once she was way ahead, as she had been in most states), Clinton responded that caucuses aren't representative because everyone knows that they are dominated by "activists." Such an attitude is so self-destructive to a party as to be almost suicidal. Any campaign wants to energize activists, not dampen them down. It was the first major mistake that we have heard from Clinton this campaign. It could have just been a way of trying to explain away the worrisome problem of losing so many states by such wide margins. But caucuses are the most transparent forms of democracy, in which people are the ballots. Her statement revealed a certain hubris about grassroots campaigning and bringing in new voters. In essence, the Clinton campaign against Obama would rather rely on a fixed base of "New Deal" coalition voters than expand the numbers of people in that base.

As one of our favorite lighter side contributors, Don Davis, satirically wrote: "Hillary: 'Obama Has Built-in Advantage in States That Vote' "

Finally, on a different note, one of the axioms in politics is if you are ahead, you try to avoid too many debates. If you are behind, you try to have as many debates as possible and call your opponent "scared" if he or she refuses your challenge. Right now, the Clinton campaign is demanding a whole series of debates, even though there has just been a whole series of debates. It's the surest sign yet that the internal polling in the Clinton campaign is trending south.

It's been, as we said, an unpredictable primary. Surprising things can still happen. Only a fool would declare a winner of the nomination at this point.

But it's clear that things are not going well when you're rallying cry becomes, "Debate!"

BUZZFLASH EDITOR'S BLOG




The word "change" does not befit the Clintons

The author hits at least one nail on the head, and that is that Clinton has had a major message flaw from the start of this campaign. She has been banging on the "ready to lead on day one" drum for about a year, and then jumped onto the "change" wagon when she noticed Obama was gaining momentum with it. The problem is that the "change" message is not one that fits her very well. Recycling a lukewarm presidency from the 90s doesn't strike many voters as being forward motion.

There's Only One Plan That'll Do It For Us

"Which is?"

"A candidate's committment to ending the Iraq war plus turning things around here at home."

"Why is that?"

"Either we end the Iraq war or it'll be the end of us."

Plan A

I think Clinton has followed the best campaign strategy possible given the circumstances. She needed to knock out Obama early in order to take advantage of her better known Clinton brand. In order to do this, the Clinton campaign wisely used the majority of their resources early on, hoping to secure the nomination by Super Tuesday. If they had taken a more balanced approach and evenly distributed resources throughout the whole campaign, that would have only served to allow Obama to start gaining momentum earlier. Obama, being the underdog and knowing that if he were to win he would be fighting to gradually win state by state until the end, more evenly distributed his resources. If He had been knocked out earlier, people probably would have pointed out that he should have used all his money early on in order to stay in the race longer.

Each of their general strategies of resource deployment make sense. I am a runner--In a race you always come out extra hard in the beginning if you are the favorite, in order to convince your opponent that they don't have a chance and make them give up. If you are the underdog, you should pace yourself and try your best to hang on for as much of the race as possible, and if you are still with them near the end, run past and sprint to the finish.

Ah, yes. The little people

"Clinton responded that caucuses aren't representative because everyone knows that they are dominated by 'activists.'"

How dare anyone challenge a Democratic Leadership Council executive?

I guess that's a major trait she shares with Dubya. When you are the anointed one, you don't need a Plan B.

Hillary Who??

Who Is Hillary? The way she has been snubbing all the "little" or "less populated" states, in order to take a few of the bigger states shows that she would lose on this thinking when November rolls around.

I suggest you read a blog by Kos titled "The States That Matter" to see how Hillary is telling most of us that she could care less about getting our vote.

http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2008/2/11/121758/950/294/454307

Sort of silly...

I read the link, and really don't see what his point is.

Obviously, every candidate minimizes his or her losses and plays up wins. This isn't even remotely the same as saying that a result "doesn't matter." It's a childish misrepresentation to say that the Clinton campaign has told anyone that they don't matter.

I would think it's pretty hard to argue that a caucus is as accurate a reflection of the electorate as a primary. Analysts have noted that for years. If the caucus win is convincing, then the caucus may be more valid. I think it's the duty of all democrats to challenge the deplorable mess of the primary system, instead of bashing either campaign for their strategic choices. I, for one, am sick of having my choice for President determined by 10% of Iowa Democrats. The fact that I don't see much outrage over the system itself - as opposed to selective rage at the elements that don't happen to favor one's personal preference - indicates that the supposedly independent blogosphere is composed of a bunch of partisan sheep. There should be a huge clamor to eliminate the superdelegates and caucuses, and go to a system of two or three big primaries across the country.

As to whether it's more important to win red states or blue states - you can argue either way. Saying it's more important to win red states is arguing that having a strong foothold in those states will help the Democrats win. Saying it's less important is arguing that those states are an uphill climb at best, or at worst a lost cause, and that winning in red states isn't a very good measure of appeal to traditional Democratic supporters. Both arguments are right.

In my personal opinion, the best candidate is the one who can convincingly carry the battleground states. But I'm sure there's a counter argument to that I haven't considered.

Saying that Clinton "could [sic] care less" about getting anyone's vote is pretty silly. She, like Obama, will take whatever delegates she can get.

Big state - small state strategy

Bill Clinton and the DLC used the 'Big State' strategy in the past and look what we got. The Dems lost their majorities in both the House and Senate until Howard Dean became party chairperson and worked to get the party viable in all 50 states.

If Hillary wins the Democratic nomination, the party faces returning to their former minority status in Congress. They need a candidate who apeals to voters in all states, especially independents. As the past has shown, the Democratic party can't win and be effective without working for the votes in every state.

What Plan B do you suggest?

It's very nice to be a critic, and not have to actually produce anything or even to really make much sense.

You say that Hillary had no Plan B. Of course, you have no way of knowing that - she has hit on a number of themes that haven't taken hold, which you call "improvising," instead of Plan B or C. What is the magic "Plan B" you would suggest? She raised a ton of money, relied on party insiders, stressed her performance in debates, etc. A candidate can't simultaneously run as an insider and an insurgent. A common theme in campaigns is the old guard challenged by a newcomer - whether that be Kerry v. Dean or the strength of Huckabee on the Republican side.

In fact, it isn't even remotely correct to say that Hillary didn't develop a Plan B. Her intial plan was to persuade party leaders and pundits to annoint her the presumptive nominee. That's no small feat, and doesn't leave much room for alternative strategies. Once Obama began winning caucuses and smaller states, she shifted to a big state strategy. She is pursuing that strategy by going light in smaller states she doesn't poll well in, and investing in Ohio and Texas. What else do you suggest?

Obama has run an excellent campaign. He is a dynamic speaker and fantastic fundraiser. He is a formidable force, and he is in his element as an underdog. This is all pretty obvious, and there is really no reason to need to argue any other set of reasons for his rise and Clinton's faltering.

In particular, there is nothing wrong with Clinton's criticism of the caucus system. I went to a caucus in Washington state. It was a joke. I was one of 30 people who made the decision for my district. It WAS dominanted by the most passionate supporters of the candidates. It is anti-democratic, but the entire system is anti-democratic - the disenfrancishement of Florida and Michigan, and the elitist system of superdelegates. It is positively offensive for a democrat to try to argue that caucuses are the most transparent form of democracy, as they disenfranchise working people and don't respect the secret ballot. Some of the anti-democratic elements of the primary system have favored Obama, and some of them have favored Clinton.

Both Obama and Clinton have selectively criticized the anti-democratic elements of the process, and they are both right, despite their self interest. I have no idea why you think that speaking the truth, for either candidate, is a bad strategy.

I also have trouble following your argument that difficulty with Obama translates to ineffectiveness against McCain. Primaries are battles among the family, with the toughest blows often made subtly or held back. The general election is a brawl. The argument for Clinton is this regard is that a experience in a more negative arena will serve her better than Obama's message of optimism. I have no idea whether that's true - no one really does - but you could at least try to understand the argument.

Clinton's desperation

Excellent analysis, so much better than the usual horse-track renditions of the race between candidates. Hillary is still hanging tough though, and has the party insiders ( DLC ) manipulating for her. I don't think she'll throw in the towel until " the last dog dies ", as her husband once proclaimed once during his own first campaign. It's her DLC affiliation, with it's damaging 'centrist' third-way theory, that turned me against her, and if she goes down because of that,...well, it's too bad. I do sense something better in her than what's she's giving, better than Bill in my humble opinion.

So, who do you support?

Obama is as much the DLC, third way centrist as Hillary is, so you can't support him. They have identical positions on Iraq and nearly every other question other than health care, and he promises to move even more to the right, as he markets to independents and Republicans. Obama may be the better candidate to win the general. But hoping for a progressive renewal that transcends the centrist policies of Bill Clinton as a reason to vote for Obama is wishful thinking.